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These times showcase a quite unique situation: the pioneering US procession of the overseers. Their qualifications differ in their skills and characteristics, but they all share the identical objective – to stop an Israeli violation, or even demolition, of the unstable ceasefire. Since the conflict concluded, there have been rare days without at least one of the former president's representatives on the territory. Just in the last few days featured the likes of Jared Kushner, Steve Witkoff, JD Vance and Marco Rubio – all coming to carry out their duties.

The Israeli government engages them fully. In only a few days it initiated a wave of strikes in Gaza after the loss of a pair of Israel Defense Forces (IDF) troops – leading, according to reports, in scores of local fatalities. A number of officials urged a resumption of the conflict, and the Knesset passed a preliminary measure to take over the occupied territories. The US response was somewhere ranging from “no” and “hell no.”

Yet in several ways, the US leadership appears more intent on preserving the existing, unstable period of the ceasefire than on advancing to the next: the rehabilitation of Gaza. Regarding that, it appears the United States may have goals but little tangible plans.

At present, it remains uncertain at what point the suggested global oversight committee will truly begin operating, and the identical goes for the appointed security force – or even the composition of its members. On a recent day, a US official declared the United States would not dictate the composition of the foreign force on the Israeli government. But if the prime minister's government continues to reject multiple options – as it did with the Ankara's offer this week – what follows? There is also the contrary issue: who will determine whether the forces preferred by Israel are even interested in the mission?

The matter of the timeframe it will require to disarm the militant group is just as unclear. “The expectation in the leadership is that the global peacekeeping unit is will now assume responsibility in demilitarizing Hamas,” stated Vance this week. “It’s may need some time.” The former president further highlighted the lack of clarity, stating in an interview recently that there is no “fixed” deadline for Hamas to lay down arms. So, in theory, the unnamed elements of this not yet established international force could enter the territory while the organization's members continue to remain in control. Would they be confronting a administration or a insurgent group? Among the many of the issues emerging. Some might question what the result will be for average residents under current conditions, with the group continuing to target its own opponents and critics.

Current developments have yet again emphasized the blind spots of Israeli media coverage on the two sides of the Gazan border. Each outlet attempts to analyze each potential angle of Hamas’s breaches of the truce. And, in general, the fact that the organization has been hindering the repatriation of the bodies of deceased Israeli captives has taken over the news.

By contrast, attention of civilian fatalities in the region caused by Israeli attacks has received little notice – or none. Consider the Israeli counter strikes in the wake of a recent southern Gaza incident, in which two soldiers were lost. While local officials claimed 44 fatalities, Israeli news commentators criticised the “light reaction,” which focused on only installations.

That is nothing new. During the past few days, Gaza’s media office charged Israeli forces of violating the truce with the group multiple times after the ceasefire was implemented, causing the death of dozens of individuals and wounding another 143. The allegation appeared insignificant to most Israeli reporting – it was merely ignored. That included accounts that eleven individuals of a Palestinian household were lost their lives by Israeli soldiers a few days ago.

Gaza’s emergency services reported the group had been seeking to return to their dwelling in the Zeitoun district of the city when the transport they were in was fired upon for reportedly crossing the “demarcation line” that marks zones under Israeli military command. That yellow line is unseen to the naked eye and appears solely on charts and in official records – sometimes not available to ordinary individuals in the area.

Even that event hardly rated a mention in Israeli journalism. One source referred to it briefly on its website, referencing an IDF official who said that after a questionable car was detected, troops discharged warning shots towards it, “but the vehicle persisted to move toward the troops in a manner that posed an immediate danger to them. The forces shot to neutralize the risk, in compliance with the agreement.” Zero injuries were claimed.

With this perspective, it is no surprise numerous Israelis think the group exclusively is to blame for violating the truce. That perception could lead to fuelling calls for a more aggressive strategy in the region.

Sooner or later – maybe in the near future – it will not be sufficient for American representatives to take on the role of kindergarten teachers, advising the Israeli government what to avoid. They will {have to|need